Ameer Bhutto
What we have is not democracy but only its pale reflection thrown up by the NRO. The stability some wish to preserve is the calm of the graveyard imposed by foreign powers to achieve their own objectives. If real democracy is to be resuscitated, a deep-rooted change is unavoidable. But is such a change likely and how will it come? Mr Ayaz Amir in his article (March 5), quoting Faiz Ahmed Faiz, makes the point that nothing much will change. Given the prevalent state of complacency among the people, one can see how he might have arrived at that conclusion. However, it is one thing to say that the prospects of change are dim, but quite another to embrace the status quo as a fait accompli and be reconciled to the view that change is unnecessary. That amounts to a fateful resignation to continue stewing in this vat of stagnation without any prospect, or even desire, for improvement. That is unacceptable.
It is true that the soothsaying pundits, from politicians to journalists to armchair philosophers, have had to continuously revise their schedules for the much-yearned end to the horror show unfolding before our eyes. Their real fault is not that they got the schedule wrong, but that they based their projections on the mistaken assumptions that truth, honour and principles still hold some value in this country and that people would consider it an unalloyed aberration to be ruled by those with tainted pasts, who stand accused of heinous crimes and who, instead of clearing their names, take refuge behind immunity and use their powers to tamper with evidence against them.
Is the working class really dead and the students too confused, as Mr Amir contends in his article, to ignite any meaningful change? If they are not, they are certainly doing a good job of playing possum. Their total apathy and redirection of focus from national interests and common good to narrow selfish goals and objectives, giving those in positions of authority carte blanche to do as they please, is the prime cause of the country's slide down the slippery slope to ruin. A television channel recently aired video clips of police officers beating people, causing outrage all over the country. But how conveniently everyone ignores the fact that many of these beatings were carried out in public places with throngs of morbid onlookers standing by as idle spectators. Let the police attempt something similar in public in New York or Paris and see what happens.
Shahid Afridi is caught munching on a cricket ball but is greeted back after serving his paltry ban with placards saying "we missed you". Younis Khan mercilessly drags an over-enthusiastic supporter to the dressing room in the middle of a cricket match and gives him a thrashing, but he remains a national hero. Zardari's security arrangements obstruct a woman in labour from getting to a hospital in time and she ends up giving birth in a rickshaw. But instead of being incensed, the child's father says the baby was a blessing because it brought them five lac rupees from the government coffers (what a wonderfully effective anesthetic money is for honour!) and they name the child Asif. With a nation such as this, what do those in power need to fear? Why should they not indulge in record-breaking corruption when the people will swallow anything and do nothing about it?
The opposition too is bound by foreign sponsored deals and have its own interests to attend to. As for the judiciary, it can only go so far. It can convict but cannot be the executioner. Nor should we rush to light the torch of triumph for the much-heralded constitutional amendment package, even if it is passed. The rot permeates from the Aiwan-e-Sadar downwards. The whole system is hostage to one man's ego. Even sans powers, Zardari will continue to exercise overbearing influence over this government as long as the Peoples Party bows to him in the interest of expediency. Gilani will not suddenly sprout wings and learn to fly with the repeal of the 17th Amendment and Article 58-2(B). What initiative has he shown thus far in matters that were not affected by these draconian laws?
A significantly altered international atmosphere characterised by political correctness notwithstanding, this being Pakistan, military intervention in its varying shades and hues can never be wholly ruled out. Yes, the troops have their hands full in the northern areas, but do not discount the crucial significance of the fact that they claim to be victors in this war, unlike 1971 when they stood defeated. If it took a defeated army no more than a few years to muscle its way back into power, what can impede a victorious army from rolling into the corridors of power in much lesser time? The reluctance on the part of the foreign powers to condone military adventurism can be dealt with. But, firstly, there is no certainty that the army would step into politics in a full-fledged coup. It could just as well affect change yet stay behind the scenes. Secondly, even if it were to take control of the government, the foreign powers, who are more concerned with their own objectives than anything else, can be convinced that their interests are better served by such a change.
Besides, Richard Holbrooke has already announced that economic and energy uplift was now the US priority vis-à-vis Pakistan. The United States has a history of using its allies to achieve its objectives and then dumping them. It remains to be seen how much sleep is being lost over our economic and energy crises in Washington DC, but it looks like we are in the process of being dumped again. This is proved by the fact that whereas Holbrook might feel confident that the Taliban have been hit hard enough not to pose an immediate threat to America anymore, he remains unconcerned by the danger the militants still pose for Pakistan for fighting America's proxy war. America seems to be losing interest in Pakistan, in which case the local political scene will go through a significant overhaul.
Mr Amir says that this government's survival may be bad for those who are frothing at the mouth for its collapse but is good for democracy and parliament. I will never understand how democracy and parliament, or even Pakistan's image around the world for that matter, are served by being led by those with tainted reputations who stand accused in criminal cases at home and abroad. If calling for national cleansing and jettisoning bad blood amounts to frothing at the mouth, then the sooner the whole nation starts frothing at the mouth the better.
The writer is vice-chairman of Sindh National Front and a former MPA from Ratodero. He has degrees from the University of Buckingham and Cambridge University.
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